Malaysian Islamic Party

History

Origins

The post-World War II period, while Malaya was still under British colonial rule, saw the emergence of the country's first formal Islamic political movements. The Malay Nationalist Party (MNP), a left-wing nationalist organisation, was formed in October 1945 and led by Burhanuddin al-Helmy, who would later become the third president of PAS. Out of the MNP arose the Pan Malayan Supreme Islamic Council (Majlis Agama Tertinggi Sa-Malaya or MATA) in 1947, and MATA in turn formed the party Hizbul Muslimin (Muslim People's Party of Malaya) in 1948. The central aim of Hizbul Muslimin was the establishment of an independent Malaya as an Islamic state. However, the party did not live beyond 1948. The Malayan Emergency of that year, while a British–Communist dispute, saw the colonial administration arrest a number of the party's leaders, and the nascent group disbanded. Nevertheless, the party served as a forerunner to PAS, supplying both the ideology upon which PAS was formed and some of PAS's key leaders in its early years.

Party formation

PAS was founded on 24 November 1951, as the Persatuan Islam Sa-Malaya (Pan Malayan Islamic Union) at a meeting in Butterworth, Penang. Shortly after it was renamed Persatuan Islam sa-Tanah Melayu (Tanah Melayu means "Land of the Malays" and was used instead of Malaya as "Malaya" had colonial connotations). In English, it became known as the Pan Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) before the 1955 election as the registrar of society required it to incorporate the word "party" into its name. Its acronym PAS, originally used in Malay but became more widely adopted in the 1970s, is based the written form in Jawi (ڤاس).

The formation of the party was the culmination of a growing desire among Muslim clerics within the United Malays National Organisation to formalise a discrete Islamic political organisation. However, the lines between UMNO and the new party were initially blurred. PAS allowed dual membership of both parties, and many of its early senior leaders were also UMNO members. The party's first president was Ahmad Fuad Hassan, an UMNO cleric. He lasted in the position only until 1953, when he fell out of favour with the party, which was now developing a more distinct identity, and returned to the UMNO fold. Fuad's departure coincided with the end of dual membership. The party turned to Abbas Alias, a Western-educated medical doctor, as its second president, although he did not play an active role in the party and was little more than a nominal figurehead.

The party's first electoral test was the pre-independence 1955 election to the Federal Legislative Council, the body that preceded the national parliament. 52 single-member seats were up for election; PAS fielded 11 candidates. Hampered by a lack of funds and party organisation, PAS succeeded in having only one candidate elected: Ahmad Tuan Hussein, a teacher at an Islamic school in Kerian, Perak. He was the only opposition member of the council; the other 51 seats were won by members of the Alliance coalition between UMNO, the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress. PAS' performance in the election weakened its hand in negotiations with the British over the terms of Malayan independence. Its advocacy for the protection of Malay and Muslim rights, including the recognition of Islam as the country's official religion, was ignored. Alias stepped down from the presidency in 1956, handing it voluntarily to the radical nationalist Burhanuddin al-Helmy. This change exemplified a broader trend among PAS's leadership in the late 1950s: the party's upper echelons gradually became filled with nationalists and long-time UMNO opponents, replacing the UMNO clerics who had initially led the party.

Left-wing Islamism

Burhanuddin al-Helmy, a prominent anti-colonialist, steered PAS in a socialist and nationalist direction and set about strengthening the party's internal structure and geographic reach. In the 1959 election, Malaya's first since independence, the party's focus on rural constituencies, especially in the north, paid off. Thirteen PAS candidates were elected to the 104-member House of Representatives, and the party took control of the legislative assemblies of the northern states of Kelantan and Terengganu.

However, Burhanuddin's leftist pan-Islamism, under which PAS sought greater ties between the Muslim peoples of Malaya and the Indonesian archipelago, soon led the party into a wedge. The Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation of 1963–66 turned popular Malayan opinion against Indonesia. PAS's attacks on Tunku Abdul Rahman's Alliance government for seeking Western assistance during the confrontation, and the party's continued support for Southeast Asian pan-Islamism, led to a loss of support in the 1964 election. The party's parliamentary cohort was reduced to nine. The party became further marginalised the following year, when Burhanuddin was detained without trial under the Internal Security Act on allegations that he had collaborated with Indonesia.

Political circumstances in the country had changed by the 1969 election. The Konfrontasi had ended, Burhanuddin had been released from custody but was too ill to campaign actively, and the Alliance coalition was suffering from internal division as well as unpopularity. PAS' vote rose to over 20 percent of the national electorate, netting the party 12 seats in Parliament. However, the parliament would not convene until 1971 as the 13 May race riots resulted in the declaration of a state of emergency. The country would be run by a National Operations Council for the following two years. In the meantime, Burhanuddin died in October 1969 and was replaced as PAS' president by his deputy, Asri Muda.

Pivot to Malay nationalism

Asri came to the presidency having been PAS's de facto leader during Burhanuddin's long illness. But this did not mean a seamless transition for the party. While Burhanuddin had been sympathetic to left-wing causes and parties in Malaysia, Asri was first and foremost a Malay nationalist, and was hostile to leftist politics. One of his first acts as President of PAS was to part ways with the party's opposition allies on the left, such as the Malaysian People's Party. Ideologically, Asri's presidency would see the party shift markedly away from the pan-Islamism of Burhanuddin. The party became principally concerned with the protection and advancement of the rights of ethnic Malays. The party's activities also became solely focused on party politics, as reflected in the change of its Malay name in 1972 from the "Persatuan Islam sa-Tanah Melayu " (Pan-Tanah Melayu Islamic Association) to the "Parti Islam Se-Malaysia" (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, but commonly referred to as Parti Islam, or PAS).

However, Asri's most radical change was still to come. In January 1972, he announced that PAS would be joining the Alliance coalition (which would soon rebrand itself as Barisan Nasional) as a junior partner to its main rival UMNO. The move was controversial within PAS, and some of its members and senior leaders either left the party or were purged by Asri. Asri's principal justification for joining UMNO in a coalition government was that after the 1969 race riots, Malay unity was paramount, and that this required a partnership between the country's two ethnic-Malay political parties. Asri himself was given a ministerial position in the cabinet of prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein.

The 1974 election saw PAS competing under the Barisan Nasional banner for the first and only time. The party won 14 parliamentary seats to UMNO's 62, cementing PAS's position as the junior of the coalition partners. PAS also found itself governing in coalition in Kelantan, which it had previously governed in its own right. PAS's vote in its northern strongholds was weakened by a loss of support to both its former opposition allies and renegade PAS candidates running on anti-Barisan Nasional tickets. Ultimately, it was Kelantan, Asri's home state and the base of political power, that would trigger the downfall of the UMNO–PAS partnership. After a conflict between Asri and the UMNO-favoured chief minister of the state, Mohamed Nasir, over investigations that Nasir initiated into Asri's financial dealings, Asri mobilised the PAS members of the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly to move a no-confidence motion against Nasir. The UMNO assemblymen staged a walk-out, abandoning Asri, driving an irreparable wedge through the coalition and causing a political crisis in the state. The federal government declared an emergency in the state, allowing it to take control. Asri withdrew PAS from Barisan Nasional in December 1977.

The 1978 election underscored how disastrous PAS's foray into the Barisan Nasional had been. The party was reduced to five parliamentary seats and, in separate state-level elections in Kelantan, was routed by UMNO and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Front (BERJASA), which Nasir had founded after leaving PAS. The party's fortunes in the Kelantan election were not helped by a ban on public election rallies; while the Barisan Nasional was able to campaign through a compliant mass media, public talks were the principal way in which PAS could reach voters. PAS fared little better in the 1982 election. In the face of a new prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and the decision of the popular Islamist youth leader Anwar Ibrahim to join UMNO instead of PAS, the party was unable to improve on its five parliamentary seats and failed to regain government in Kelantan. Meanwhile, the 1978 to 1982 period coincided with the rise of a new generation of leaders within the party, including foreign-educated Muslim clerics (or "ulama") such as Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and Abdul Hadi Awang. This group sought to reorient PAS as an Islamist party and were fundamentally hostile to UMNO, whose Malay nationalist focus they saw to be at the expense of Islam. In 1980 the group succeeded in electing Yusof Rawa to the deputy presidency of the party, ousting the Asri loyalist Abu Bakar Omar. By the time of PAS's 1982 assembly, it was clear to Asri that the ulama faction had the numbers to defeat him. He resigned on the floor of the assembly, and subsequently attacked the party through the media, leading to his expulsion and the formation of splinter party, Parti Hizbul Muslimin Malaysia (HAMIM) by Asri in 1983. The following year, in 1983, Yusof was elevated to the presidency, unopposed.

Ulama takeover

The ulama who took over PAS in 1982 drew from the 1979 Iranian revolution for inspiration in establishing an Islamic state; Yusof Rawa himself had served as Malaysia's Ambassador to Iran in the years preceding the revolution. Yusof openly rejected the Malay nationalism that characterised both UMNO and PAS under Asri Muda, considering it a narrow and ignorant philosophy that was contrary to the concept of a Muslim ummah. As if to exemplify the shift in the party's ideological outlook under Yusof and his ulama colleagues, the party's new leaders adopted a more conservative and religious form of dress, abandoning Malay and western clothing for traditional Arab religious garb. Politics between UMNO and PAS became increasingly religious in nature. The Barisan Nasional government tried to counter the possible electoral appeal of PAS's Islamisation by creating a number of state-run Islamic institutions, such as the International Islamic University of Malaysia. PAS leaders responded by labelling such initiatives as superficial and hypocritical, UMNO leaders as "infidels", and UMNO as the "party of the devil".

The increasingly divisive rhetoric between UMNO and PAS produced deep divisions in Malay communities, especially in the northern states. Sometimes the divisions became violent, the most infamous example being the 1985 Memali incident, in which the government sanctioned a raid on a village led by the PAS cleric Ibrahim Libya, which left 14 civilians and four policemen dead. It was against this backdrop that the PAS ulama faced their first general election in 1986. The result was a whitewash for the Barisan Nasional coalition. PAS recorded its worst-ever election result, retaining only one seat in Parliament. PAS, in recovering from the defeat, had no choice but to retreat from its hardline Islamism and pursue a moderate course. By 1989, Yusof had become too ill to remain as PAS's president, and was replaced by his deputy, Fadzil Noor, another member of the ulama faction that now dominated the party.

Electoral revival in the 1990s

While not abandoning PAS's ideological commitment to the establishment of an Islamic state, Fadzil Noor moderated the party's rhetoric. He also set about infusing the party's membership with young urban professionals in an attempt to diversify the leadership ranks beyond religious clerics. The 1990s also saw PAS engage in international Islamist movements. Abdul Hadi Awang became active in a number of international Islamic organisations and delegations, and Islamist parties abroad sent delegations to Malaysia to observe PAS.

The first electoral test of Fadzil's presidency was the 1990 election, which occurred against the backdrop of a split in UMNO out of which the Semangat 46 opposition party was formed. PAS joined Semangat 46 and two other Malay parties in the United Ummah Front ("Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah"), and won seven parliamentary seats. The new coalition swept the Barisan Nasional from power in Kelantan, winning all of its state assembly seats. Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, a cleric who played a leading role in the 1982 takeover of the party, became Kelantan's Chief Minister, and would remain in the position until his retirement in 2013. One of the first acts of the PAS-led government in Kelantan was to seek to introduce hudud, a criminal punishment system for particular Islamic offences. The move was abandoned after it became clear that the law could not be enforced over the objections of the federal government.

PAS retained its seven parliamentary seats and the government of Kelantan in the 1995 election while all other opposition parties lost ground. By the time of the next election in 1999, circumstances external to PAS had changed its fortunes for the better. The 1997 Asian financial crisis split the Barisan Nasional government between supporters of the Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim. Mahathir's sacking and subsequent detention without trial of Anwar in 1998 provoked widespread opposition, which PAS capitalised on more than any other opposition party. The party ran a sophisticated campaign for the 1999 election, taking advantage of the internet to bypass restrictions on print publications and managing to woo urban professional voters while retaining its traditional rural support base. For the first time, PAS joined the centre-left and secular Democratic Action Party in the Barisan Alternatif coalition which included the new party Keadilan, which was formed by Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the wife of the now imprisoned Anwar. It resulted in PAS's second best electoral performance (behind those of 2022 general election). The party took 27 of 192 parliamentary seats and had landslide state-level victories in Kelantan and Terengganu.

PAS in the Pakatan Rakyat

The death of Fadzil Noor in 2002, and his replacement by the conservative cleric Abdul Hadi Awang, coincided with a period of division within the party between its younger and professional leaders, who sought to make PAS's Islamist ideology more appealing to mainstream Malaysia, and its conservative, and generally older, clerics. The party was unable to reconcile the views of the two factions with a coherent definition of the "Islamic state" that the party's platform envisioned. The debate itself caused the DAP to break with the Barisan Alternatif coalition; as a secular party with mainly an ethnic Chinese support base, it could not support the vision of an Islamic state propagated by PAS's conservatives. PAS also found itself losing Malay support following the replacement of Mahathir as Prime Minister with Abdullah Badawi, a popular and moderate Muslim, and post-September 11 fears among the electorate about radical Islam in Southeast Asia. If the 1999 election had been the party's zenith, the 2004 poll was one of the lowest points in its history. In an expanded Parliament, PAS was reduced to seven seats. Abdul Hadi not only lost his parliamentary seat but saw the government he led in Terengganu thrown from office after one term.

The response of PAS to the 2004 election, like its response to the similar 1986 wipeout, was to abandon the hardline image that had contributed to its defeat. By now, the urban professional wing of the party's membership, brought into the party by Fadzil Noor in the 1990s, was ready to take charge. While Abdul Hadi's presidency was not under threat, the moderate faction, known as the "Erdogans" after the moderate Turkish Islamist leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, had its members voted into other key positions in the party's 2005 general assembly. PAS was now able to attack Abdullah Badawi's government from both the right and the left: on the one hand, it criticised Abdullah's promotion of Islam Hadhari as a watered-down version of Islam; on the other, it attacked the government for its human rights record and promoted the causes of social and economic justice, including for non-Muslims. The party also capitalised on the growth of the internet and social media in Malaysia to bypass the pro-government mass media.

Ahead of the 2008 election PAS joined the DAP and Anwar Ibrahim's Keadilan, which was now known as People's Justice Party (PKR) in a new coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. The coalition handed the Barisan Nasional its worst-ever election result. Barisan Nasional lost its two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, disabling it from passing constitutional amendments without opposition support. PAS won 23 seats; the Pakatan Rakyat as a whole won 82. At state level, decades-old Barisan Nasional governments fell in Kedah, Perak and Selangor. PAS now governed Kedah and Kelantan (led respectively by Azizan Abdul Razak and Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat) and supplied the Chief Minister of Perak (Nizar Jamaluddin) in a Pakatan Rakyat coalition government.

PAS's 2009 general assembly saw latent fissures within the party come out into the open. The incumbent deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa, a Malay nationalist who promoted greater co-operation between PAS and UMNO, was challenged by two moderate candidates. Nasharudin survived with the backing of the conservative ulama faction; his two opponents had split the moderate vote. But at the 2011 assembly, Nasharudin was not so lucky: Mohamad Sabu, a leading moderate close to Anwar Ibrahim, commanded the support of the "Erdogan" wing and toppled him. Sabu's election was a significant defeat for the ulama faction. He was the first non-cleric to serve as the party's deputy president in over 20 years.

The Pakatan Rakyat coalition went into the 2013 election facing Najib Razak, who had replaced Abdullah as Prime Minister in 2009 but failed to improve the government's fortunes, especially among urban voters. PAS made a concerted effort to expand its voter base beyond the northern peninsula states, and campaigned heavily in Johor, where it had never won a parliamentary seat. The election witnessed a significant degree of cross-over ethnic voting: Chinese voters in Malay-majority seats decided in large numbers to support PAS, to maximise the chances of a national Pakatan Rakyat victory. Pakatan Rakyat garnered 50.8 percent of the national popular vote but could not win a majority in parliament. PAS, however, suffered a net loss of two parliamentary seats. This was principally attributable to a swing against the party in Kedah, where the party was removed from state government after one term and lost four parliamentary seats.

Splintering and right-ward shift

When PAS saw its share of seats shrink in the 2013 election, it started to reassert its Islamic agenda. The passing of spiritual leader Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat in 2015 –who was known to be sympathetic and friendly to non-Malays and non-Muslims– shifted PAS more to the right-wing. In the meantime, DAP criticised its president Abdul Hadi Awang for pushing a bill on hudud without consulting his opposition partners. This incident led to the DAP announcing in March 2015 that it would no longer work with the PAS leader. The rift worsened after conservatives captured PAS leadership, as progressive leaders endorsed by the late Nik Aziz were voted out of office in party elections, characterised by the media as an intentional wipe out and purge, members of this progressive faction left and splintered as the National Trust Party (Parti Amanah Negara, PAN) helmed by Mohamad Sabu. The now purged PAS accepted a motion by its conservative ulama wing to sever ties with DAP. The coalition was replaced by Pakatan Harapan, which the newly formed PAN joined as a founding member.

The party formed Gagasan Sejahtera with Malaysia National Alliance Party (IKATAN) in 2016, with BERJASA joining the coalition the same year. The coalition entered the 2018 Malaysian general election using the PAS logo and contested 158 seats, with PAS contesting 155 of them. The coalition was able to win 18 parliamentary seats as well as wrangle control of the state of Terrenganu from BN, which PAS had last ruled in 2004, in addition to retaining control of Kelantan and denying the BN state government a supermajority in Pahang. They also managed to flip a large number of state seats held by BN in Kedah. However, PAS was the only party from the coalition to win any seats as both BERJASA and IKATAN remained without representation.

In 2018, following then-prime minister Mahathir Mohamad's announcement that the federal government intended to "ratify all remaining core UN instruments related to the protection of human rights", including International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and other five previously unratified conventions at a United Nations General Assembly, UMNO, PAS, and various non-governmental organisations staged what became known as the anti-ICERD Rally, protesting what they saw as a threat to the special position of the Malays, Bumiputera and Islam within the country; all of which are enshrined within the federal constitution.

Coalition government, largest party in parliament

During the 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis, sparked by Mahathir's abrupt resignation and his party's exit from the Pakatan Harapan coalition, PAS initially pledged its support for Mahathir to remain as prime minister as part of an alternative coalition to Pakatan Harapan, specifically excluding DAP. When Mahathir revealed his intentions to form a broad unity government, the party, alongside UMNO, with which it had formed an alliance known as National Concord in 2019, retracted their support and called for the dissolution of parliament. Ultimately, PAS entered the federal government as part of Perikatan Nasionalunder prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin and later Ismail Sabri Yaakob.

In the Muhyiddin cabinet, three ministerial and five deputy ministerial positions were allocated to PAS members of parliament.

In the 2022 general election, PAS emerged as the largest party in parliament with 43 seats. However, the Perikatan Nasional alliance as a whole only managed to secure 74 seats, coming in second. Unlike its erstwhile ally UMNO, the party refused to join the "unity government" formed by Anwar Ibrahim. PAS gained its first elected representative in East Malaysia in the 2025 Sabah state election.

Controversies

Militia Parade Incident

The Terengganu police have announced an investigation into a controversial parade organised by the local PAS Youth group, which took place on 19 February 2023. The police were initially informed about the march but were not aware that some supporters would be carrying replica weapons, raising concerns among certain groups. DCP Datuk Rohaimi Md Isa, the police chief, stated that preliminary investigations will be conducted to determine whether any offences were committed during the event, and appropriate action will be taken accordingly.

Images circulating on social media showed members of Terengganu PAS Youth dressed in medieval Islamic war attire and wielding fake swords, spears, and shields. The parade was reportedly part of a two-day gathering called "Himpunan Pemuda Islam Terengganu" (Himpit), held at a resort in Setiu, Terengganu. Religious Affairs Minister Datuk Dr Mohd Na’im Mokhtar criticised the parade, stating that it presented an inappropriate image of Islam and emphasising the importance of promoting peace and unity in society. He also called for authorities to investigate any potential legal violations.

Furthermore, social media photos depicted a pickup truck carrying a large fake sword, with youths dressed in militant costumes standing on its cargo bed while it was in motion.

Unconstitutional Kelantan Syariah Law amendment

Sisters in Islam had criticized PAS for unconstitutional Shariah enactment on the recent update of the Shariah law of the Kelantan penal code including:

• attempting to convert out of Islam
• distortion of Islamic teachings
• disrespecting the month of Ramadan
• destroying houses of worship
• disobeying parents
• tattooing
• undergoing plastic surgery. This has sparked another controversy where the punishments include a jail term of not more than three years and a fine of up to RM5,000 or six strokes of the cane, and that the punishment is categorized under ta'zir (crimes with discretionary punishments) and not under hudud (Islamic Penal Code).

Flight attendant uniform criticism

PAS had sparked another controversy where several of its lawmakers criticised flight stewardess uniform attire they claimed that it is "too revealing" and added that flight stewardesses must be allowed to wear a hijab. Following those two statements, Sisters in Islam (SIS) said the issue had taken priority over other concerns somehow and they claim that ministerial directives should not interfere with a company's policy which may subject to extra rebranding and production costs unless there were issues of safety, health and security. National Union of Flight Attendants Malaysia vice secretary-general S Shashi Kumar also publicly stated that this complaint is "nonsensical" when he said the baju kebaya has become a fashion statement in southeast Asia. He said, "Royal Brunei Airlines, Singapore Airlines and Garuda Indonesia have adopted the baju kebaya as the uniform for their female flight attendants." Transport minister Anthony Loke had said “We are aware that this is not a new policy and there is nothing new, but there are no plans to change the existing policies on the dressing of stewards and stewardesses. The image and outfit depend on the airline company.".He added that “The Ministry has no restriction if Muslim air stewardesses choose to wear attire that is Syariah compliant as long as it fulfils the criteria set by CAAM," It looks like PAS leaders lack knowledge of the Malay heritage and criticising their traditional attire, responded the Global Human Rights Federation.

Timah whiskey

Following the fame of Malaysia's local liquor company, Timah Whiskey after winning two silver medals in the Tasting Awards for the International Spirits Challenge 2020 (ISC) as well as the Annual San Francisco World Spirits Competition 2020 (SFWSC), PAS urged Ismail Sabri Yaakob's Cabinet for the company to be shut down stating that it "to prevent triggering the sensitivity of Muslims in the country" and "to avoid a precedent of new liquor companies emerging". PAS also states that they had to face numerous severe backlash. PAS Deputy President, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, said that "We have always been consistent in our stance against alcohol because it is clear that it is haram according to the Quran,".

The request was denied by Ismail Sabri Yaakob's Cabinet where they had decided to rule against the decision. Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob state that the "cannot cause concern to the people in the context of race and religion". PAS Deputy President, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, states "For me, the ' people's anxiety ' can be considered as ' the confusion of the people, especially the Malay-Muslims ' ". Tuan Ibrahim was also reported by the media on October 19 as saying that the brand and logo of Timah whiskey "can be confusing" and asked for it to be reviewed.

English language criticism

PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang has claimed that people who advocate for the English language to be taught in Malaysia are "stuck in a colonial mindset". Expanding on this point, he said such Malaysians seemed to be embarrassed to use their national language (Malay) and had placed greater importance on English. In the PAS party newspaper, Harakah Hadi wrote an article titled "Ignore the delirious voices which are trying to reduce the importance of the Malay language" where in it he stated that such advocates "are behaving like slaves to the former colonial masters despite having been freed from their clutches". Additionally in the same article he further went on to say that "advertisements in shops and the market, as well as the names of cities and roads, are named in English even though a majority of its target audience does not know English, at the same time, they do not care about whether their audiences consist of Malaysians who do not know English".

Ideology

According to Farish A. Noor, a Malaysian academic who has written a complete history of PAS:

From time to time, PAS's pursuit of an "Islamic state" has involved attempts to legislate for hudud—an Islamic criminal justice system—in the states that it governs. Such laws would apply to all Muslims and would not apply to non-Muslims. PAS-dominated state assemblies in Kelantan and Terengganu passed hudud laws in the early 1990s and early 2000s respectively, although neither has ever been enforced due to opposition from the federal government. PAS returned to its pursuit of hudud laws after the 2013 election, signalling that it would table bills in the federal Parliament to allow the laws, still on the statute books in Kelantan, to be enforced. The bills would require a two-thirds majority in the Parliament as they involve constitutional amendments.

After PAS's electoral rout in 2004, the party sought to broaden its policies beyond Islamism. Among other things, the party focused on calling for improved civil liberties and race relations. However, these policy shifts have proven controversial within the party; conservatives have considered them part of a dilution of PAS's commitment to an Islamic state.

When PAS was defeated in Terengganu, enforcement of female dress codes was reduced. The state PAS government in Kelantan banned traditional Malay dance theatres, banned advertisements depicting women who are not fully clothed, and enforced the wearing of headscarves. However, they allowed gender-segregated cinemas and concerts. Some government-controlled bodies pressure non-Muslims also to wear headscarves, and all students of the International Islamic University of Malaysia and female officers in the Royal Malaysian Police are required to wear headscarves in public ceremonies.

The PAS party wishes that the death penalty be enacted for Muslims who attempt to convert, as part of their ultimate desire to turn Malaysia into an Islamic state. The party is also against the government-backed wave of Anti-Shi'a persecution.

Connections with the Muslim Brotherhood

PAS has also maintained close personal and ideological ties with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. The party's relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood dates back to the 1940s when PAS's founders were exposed to the ideas and teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood while they were studying in Cairo during the 1940s. According to Wan Saiful Wan Jan of the think tank Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs, the Muslim Brotherhood regards PAS as a model for a successful Muslim political party; since PAS has governed the state of Kelantan continually since 1990. PAS representatives are often invited to Muslim Brotherhood speaking engagements overseas. In 2012, PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang spoke alongside Muslim Brotherhood scholar Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi at a speaking event in London. That same year, PAS representatives met with Muslim Brotherhood leaders Sheikh Mahdi Akif and Dr Muhammad Badie in Cairo.

According to Müller, PAS's current generation of leaders, the Ulama Leadership (Kepimpinan Ulama) was also influenced by Muslim Brotherhood ideology while studying in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and India during the 1980s. Muslim Brotherhood–inspired Islamic education methods (tarbiyah) and regular study circles (usrah/halaqah) were systematically introduced while networks were established with Muslim political parties and movements abroad. In April 2014, Awang criticised the governments of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates for designating the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation. In January 2016, former PAS leader Mujahid Yusof Rawa claimed that the Muslim Brotherhood's influence on PAS was limited to sharing the organisation's views on the role of Islam in society. Rawa also claimed that other local Muslim groups such as Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM; Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia) and IKRAM were also sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood.

Support for the Taliban

After the Taliban took over Kabul in 2021 and re-established an Islamic theocracy in Afghanistan, PAS international affairs and external relations committee chairman, Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi (also the son of the incumbent PAS president), congratulated the Islamist militant group for "successfully achieving victory for their country" on Twitter and Facebook, stating its liberation from Western powers.

In August 2021, Khalil also added that the Taliban had also become more moderate, spuriously claiming that women's rights (including women's freedom of movement) and the opportunities for women in the workforce were preserved. The unsubstantiated comments were widely condemned by numerous Malaysian social media users, and Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi's pro-Taliban posts on Facebook and Twitter were taken down in response. In March 2022, numerous independent news reports indicated that women and girls in Afghanistan were deprived (by decrees from the Taliban) from their ability to work, study or move freely within the country.

In October 2021, the leader of PAS's youth wing, Khairil Nizam Khirudin, proposed closer ties between PAS and the Taliban. He claimed that if China was able build ties with the Taliban, Malaysia should also do so.

In August 2021, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang alleged that Western media had made false accusations against the Taliban to advance an Islamophobic agenda, without studying and fully understanding the religion of Islam. He also repeated the Taliban claim that the Taliban had provided broad amnesty to government officials of the toppled Islamic Republic of Afghanistan; this claim was disputed as numerous independent reports with evidence indicated that the Taliban instead conducted enforced disappearances, summary executions and revenge killings against the former government officials. In the same article, Abdul Hadi Awang also alleged that the Taliban undertook a celebratory approach to the diversity of society within a multi-ethnic Afghanistan; this claim was also disputed as numerous evident news reports indicated that the Taliban engaged in the persecution of Hazaras (who numerous Taliban fighters deem as heretical), censorship against journalists and the news media, violence against journalists, arbitrary arrest and detention, political repression. Most notably, anyone from a religious minority who was an apostate of Islam is sentenced to death.

In February 2022, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang described media outlets such as Malaysiakini as anti-Islam and alleged that they had slandered the Taliban by reporting that it was denying girls and women the right to education. The Taliban had banned girls from obtaining a formal education in the 1990s. In March 2022, the Taliban reneged on its promise to open secondary schools for girls, eliciting condemnation.

Organisational structure

Central Working Committee (2025–2027)

PAS's general assembly ("Muktamar") elects the party's president, deputy president, three vice presidents and a multi-member Central Working Committee. The assembly is held annually, but elections occur only once every two years. The assembly is composed mainly of delegates elected by individual local divisions of the party. The day-to-day administration of the party is carried out by its Secretary-General, a position appointed by the party's leadership. The Central Working Committee is ostensibly the party's principal decision-making body, although its decisions are susceptible to being overturned by the Syura Council, an unelected body composed only of Muslim clerics and led by the party's Spiritual Leader ("Musyidul 'Am"). The relationship between the different administrative bodies within the party occasionally causes conflict. In 2014, the Central Working Committee voted to support the nomination of Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the President of the People's Justice Party, to be the Chief Minister of the Pakatan Rakyat government in Selangor. Abdul Hadi Awang, as PAS's president and with the backing of the Syura Council, overturned the decision and nominated different candidates.

The party has three recognised sub-organisations for different categories of party members: an ulama wing (the "Dewan Ulama") for Muslim clerics, a women's wing (the "Dewan Muslimat") and a youth wing (the "Dewan Pemuda"). Each wing elects its leadership at its general assembly. There is a fourth wing for non-Muslim supporters of the party, although it does not have the same recognised position in the party's structure as the other three wings.

PAS has approximately one million members, more than any other opposition party in Malaysia. PAS members often distinguish themselves from UMNO members through cultural and religious practices. For Islamic headwear, males who support PAS tend to prefer the white, soft kopiah, while UMNO supporters tend to wear the traditional Malay songkok, a rigid black cap. Some areas of Malaysia host rival mosques catering for the members and supporters of each party.

• Spiritual Leader:
  • Hashim Jasin
• Deputy Spiritual Leader:
  • Ahmad Yakob
• Permanent Chairperson:
  • Hussin Ismail
• Deputy Permanent Chairperson:
  • Kamal Ashaari
• President:
  • Abdul Hadi Awang
• Deputy President:
  • Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man
• Vice-president:
  • Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar
  • Mohd Amar Abdullah
  • Idris Ahmad
• Dewan Ulamak's Chief:
  • Ustaz Haji Ahmad Yahaya
• Dewan Pemuda's Chief:
  • Afnan Hamimi Taib Azamudden
• Dewan Muslimat's Chief:
  • Nuridah Mohd Salleh
• DHPP Chief:
  • Balasubramaniam Nachiappan
• Secretary-General:
  • Takiyuddin Hassan
• Deputy Secretary-General:
  • TBA
  • TBA
  • TBA
• Treasurer:
  • Iskandar Abdul Samad
• Information Chief:
  • Ahmad Fadhli Shaari
• Election Director:
  • Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor
• Deputy Election Director:
  • Annuar Musa
• Central Working Committee Members (Elected):
  • Ahmad Fadhli Shaari
  • Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor
  • Haim Hilman Abdullah
  • Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi
  • Khairil Nizam Khirudin
  • Mohd. Nassuruddin Daud
  • Azman Ibrahim
  • Halimah Ali
  • Siti Zailah Mohd Yusoff
  • Ahmad Marzuk Shaary
  • Ahmad Amzad Hashim
  • Mohamed Fadzli Hassan
  • Riduan Mohamad Nor
  • Shahidan Kassim
  • Nik Mohamad Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz
  • Awang Hashim
  • Mumtaz Md Nawi
  • Iskandar Abdul Samad
• Central Working Committee Members (Appointed):
  • Annuar Musa
  • Mohd Shukri Ramli
  • Wan Rohimi Wan Daud
  • Rosni Adam
  • Mohd Misbahul Munir Masduki
  • Najihatussalehah Ahmad
  • Bakri Jamaluddin
  • Mohd Yusni Mat Piah
  • Ahmad Yunus Hairi
  • Mohd Mazri Yahya
  • Razman Zakaria
• State Commissioner:
  • Perlis: Ahmad Ali
  • Kedah: Ahmad Yahaya
  • Kelantan: Ahmad Yakob
  • Terengganu: Husin Awang
  • Penang: Muhammad Fauzi Yusoff
  • Perak: Idris Ahmad
  • Pahang: Rosli Abdul Jabar
  • Selangor: Ab Halim Tamuri
  • Federal Territories: Azhar Yahya
  • Negeri Sembilan: Mohammad Fairuz Mohammad Isa
  • Malacca: Zulkifli Ismail
  • Johor: Mahfodz Mohamed
  • Sabah: Aliakbar Gulasan
  • Sarawak: Mohammad Arifiriazul Paijo

Leadership

President

Spiritual leader

Elected representatives

Dewan Negara (Senate)

Senators

Main article: Members of the Dewan Negara, 15th Malaysian Parliament

• Kelantan:
  • Nik Mohamad Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz
  • Wan Martina Wan Yusoff
• Terengganu:
  • Hussin Ismail
  • Che Alias Hamid
• Kedah:
  • Abd Nasir Idris
  • Musoddak Ahmad
• Perlis
  • Baharuddin Ahmad

Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives)

Members of Parliament of the 15th Malaysian Parliament

Main article: Members of the Dewan Rakyat, 15th Malaysian Parliament

PAS has the highest number of representatives in the Dewan Rakyat among all political parties with 43 representatives.

Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Legislative Assembly)

Malaysian State Assembly Representatives

Main article: List of Malaysian State Assembly Representatives (2023–present)

PAS has 146 members of state legislative assemblies, more than any other parties. It has representatives in every assembly outside of Sarawak. The party holds a majority in the Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis State Legislative Assemblies.

Terengganu State Legislative Assembly Kelantan State Legislative Assembly Kedah State Legislative Assembly Perlis State Legislative Assembly Pahang State Legislative Assembly Perak State Legislative Assembly Selangor State Legislative Assembly Penang State Legislative Assembly Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly Malacca State Legislative Assembly Johor State Legislative Assembly Sabah State Legislative Assembly Sarawak State Legislative Assembly

Government offices

State governments

PAS currently governs the states of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, and Terengganu. In the past, the party was part of the Penang and Selangor state governments when it was a component of Pakatan Rakyat. During the 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis, PAS aligned itself with Barisan Nasional under the Muafakat Nasional umbrella to form the state governments in Perak, Pahang, and Johor.

• Kelantan (1959–1977, 1990–present)
• Terengganu (1959–1961, 1972–1977, 1999–2004, 2018–present)
• Kedah (1972–1977, 2008–2013, 2020–present)
• Perlis (1972–1977, 2022–2025, 2025–present)
• Perak (1972–1977, 2008–2009, 2020–2022)
• Pahang (1974–1977, 2019–2022)
• Johor (2020–2022)
• Selangor (1974–1977, 2008–2018)
• Penang (1974–1977, 2008–2015)
• Malacca (1974–1977) Note: bold as Menteri Besar/Chief Minister, italic as junior partner

Legislative leadership

Official opposition

Election results

General election results

State election results

References

Footnotes

Cited texts

References

1. "Ahli PAS berjumlah 1,005,700 sehingga Ogos lalu". [[Harakah Daily]].
2. (23 December 2024). "The Ulama Leadership Model of the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS): Perspectives of Key Leaders".
3. (18 September 2019). "Accusing DAP of Christianisation, PAS leader cites Steven Sim's 'Kingdom of God' remarks as evidence". [[Malay Mail]].
4. (31 August 2020). "Church group says PAS leader has no regard for humanity after Christian insult". [[Malay Mail]].
5. (31 December 2024). "Gesa tindakan ke atas Kor Ming dan Hannah Yeoh". [[Harakah (newspaper).
6. "Perlembagaan PAS – #MalaysiaSejahtera".
7. {{Harvnb. Funston. 1976
8. {{Harvnb. Funston. 1976
9. {{Harvnb. Funston. 1976
10. Welsh, Bridget. (2022). "The End of Umno? Essays on Malaysia's Former Dominant Party". Strategic Information and Research Development Centre.
11. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
12. {{Harvnb. Funston. 1976
13. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
14. {{Harvnb. Funston. 1976
15. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
16. {{Harvnb. Liow. 2009
17. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
18. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
19. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
20. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
21. {{Harvnb. Chin Tong. 2007
22. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
23. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
24. "29 Julai 1972 : Persatuan Islam Se-Tanah Melayu Menukar Namanya Kepada Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS)". akauntanharaki.com.
25. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
26. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
27. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
28. {{Harvnb. Sundaram & Ahmad. 1988
29. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
30. {{Harvnb. Sundaram & Ahmad. 1988
31. Samsul Adabi Mamat. (28 Jun 2015). "Nasib Parti-parti Serpihan". [[Utusan Malaysia]].
32. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
33. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
34. {{Harvnb. Hooker & Norani. 2003
35. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
36. {{Harvnb. Liow. 2009
37. {{Harvnb. Liow. 2009
38. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
39. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
40. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
41. {{Harvnb. Stark. 2004
42. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
43. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
44. {{Harvnb. Function. 2006
45. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
46. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
47. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
48. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
49. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
50. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
51. (6 May 2013). "PAS loses Kedah & some support in Kelantan". Bernama.
52. (2015-06-18). "Break up of Malaysia's opposition bloc Pakatan Rakyat: What happened and what's next?".
53. Azmil Tayeb. (December 2018). "Green wave of change in the East Coast : PAS and anti-UMNO backlash in Kelantan". Jebat: Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies.
54. Syed Jaymal Zahiid. (3 June 2015). "Ahead of party polls, PAS ulama wing calls for total wipe out of progressives". The Malay Mail.
55. (6 June 2015). "The PAS purge of the progressives". Bridget Welsh.
56. Parzi, Mohd Nasaruddin. (2015-06-05). "Dewan Ulama tidak akan berganjak usul hubungan dengan DAP putus".
57. "Pakatan Rakyat no longer exists, says DAP's Lim Guan Eng".
58. (16 March 2016). "PAS, Ikatan seal 'third force' pact".
59. (14 November 2019). "Ke mana hala tuju GAGASAN menjelang PRU-15?".
60. (10 May 2018). "PRU14: PAS Pahang catat rekod paling cemerlang dalam sejarah - Berita Parti".
61. (17 November 2018). "PAS and Umno to hold anti-Icerd rally in KL on Dec 8 - Malaysiakini". Malaysiakini.
62. (24 November 2018). "Govt not ratifying ICERD - The Star Online". The Star Online.
63. (18 September 2019). "What's next for Piagam Muafakat Nasional?". The Malaysian Reserve.
64. (25 February 2020). "Muafakat Nasional cadang bubar Parlimen, tarik balik SD sokong Dr M". Bernama.
65. (25 February 2020). "Umno and PAS withdraw support for Dr M". MalaysiaKini.
66. (29 February 2020). "Gabungan 'Perikatan Nasional' dakwa miliki blok terbesar". Berita Harian.
67. (February 19, 2023). "Terengganu police investigating PAS Youth's controversial parade". The Star.
68. (February 19, 2023). "PAS militia cosplay: PAS thanks police for clarification". New Straits Times.
69. (2 November 2021). "Kelantan's new syariah laws criminalizes tattooing and plastic surgery". [[The Star (Malaysia).
70. (2 November 2021). "Sisters in Islam questions Kelantan Shariah enactment".
71. (2 August 2018). ""Look Away If You Think Flight Attendant Uniforms Are Too Revealing," Says Transport Minister".
72. (2 August 2018). "Cabin crew's outfit 'revealing'? Then avert your eyes".
73. (2 August 2018). "'Look away then' says Transport Minister after PAS lawmaker complains of 'sexy' cabin crew uniforms". Yahoo News.
74. (11 November 2021). ""Is baju kebaya a problem to you?": PAS MP chided over air stewardess attire remark!". Focus Malaysia - Business & Beyond.
75. (18 October 2021). "PAS Ulama Council wants four actions to address Timah whiskey controversy".
76. (19 October 2021). "PAS Wants Local Whiskey 'TIMAH' To Rebrand As The Name May Cause Confusion For Muslims".
77. (17 November 2021). "Of PAS, Timah Whiskey, and Barbra Streisand".
78. (15 November 2021). "PAS, MCA, and Timah".
79. (14 November 2021). "PAS unhappy with Timah decision".
80. (3 July 2022). "Those who prefer English are trapped in a colonial mindset, says PAS".
81. (3 July 2022). "Those pushing for English stuck in a colonial mindset, says Hadi".
82. (6 July 2022). "M'sians Who Prioritize English Language Are Stuck In Colonial Mindset, According To PAS President".
83. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
84. Zan Azlee. (16 April 2015). "Islamic law debate puts more pressure on Malaysia PM". The Malay Mail.
85. {{Harvnb. Liow. 2009
86. (16 November 2014). "Kelantan to consider 'smaller' guillotine for thieves under hudud law, says report". Yahoo! News.
87. (2014). "Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Malaysia". Routledge.
88. (7 January 2004). "Dress code ruling draws flak". Weldd.
89. (2007). "International Religious Freedom Report [Archived Content]". US Department of State.
90. Osman, Salim. (23 August 2013). "Clampdown on Shi'ism in Malaysia a cause for concern". The Jakarta Post.
91. (11 February 2013). "The rising force in Malaysia's opposition". [[Al Jazeera English.
92. (2 April 2014). "PAS tegaskan pendirian bersama Ikhwanul Muslimin". PAS President.
93. (28 January 2016). "Muslim Brotherhood influence not a problem in Malaysia". [[The Edge (Malaysia).
94. Abdul Hadi, Muhammad Khalil. (2021-08-18). "Tahniah kepada rakyat Afghanistan".
95. Abdul Hadi, Muhammad Khalil. (2021-08-20). "Imej sederhana Taliban mulai diterima rakyat".
96. (25 August 2021). "Hadi: Taliban has changed, don't believe Western media".
97. (25 August 2021). "Taliban yang beristiqamah dan berubah".
98. Kumar, Ruchi. "Shrinking public space for Afghan women as Taliban expands curbs".
99. (2022-01-18). "Afghanistan: Taliban Deprive Women of Livelihoods, Identity".
100. Speri, Alice. (14 April 2022). "Women and Journalists Are Targets of Violence in Taliban-Ruled Afghanistan, Report Says".
101. Najafizada, Eltaf. (2021-12-01). "A Taliban ban on women in the workforce can cost economy $1bn".
102. [https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2021/10/31/pas-youth-seeks-closer-ties-with-taliban-led-afghanistan-asks-if-communist/2017301 PAS Youth seeks closer ties with Taliban-led Afghanistan, asks if ‘communist China’ can, why not ‘Muslim Malaysia’], The Malay Mail
103. (2021-08-25). "Abdul Hadi perjelas isu Taliban, dakwa media Barat sebar berita palsu".
104. "UN Chief Accuses Taliban Of Scores Of Revenge Killings Since Seizing Control In Afghanistan". Radiofreeeurope/Radioliberty.
105. (2022-04-12). "Opinion: The Taliban Promised Them Amnesty. Then They Executed Them.". The New York Times.
106. (2022-03-22). "Afghanistan: Taliban Threaten Revenge Killings".
107. "Evidence mounts of Taliban 'revenge killings'". BBC News.
108. Awang, Abdul Hadi. (2021-08-25). "Taliban yang beristiqamah dan berubah".
109. O’Donnell, Lynne. (2022-03-22). "As the World Watches Ukraine, Afghanistan Goes Full Taliban".
110. (2022-03-30). "Taliban Intensify Attacks on Afghan Media".
111. (2022-03-01). "Biden must prioritize the resettlement of Afghanistan's religious minorities".
112. Awang, Abdul Hadi. (2022-02-11). "Mengapa Afghanistan ditakuti, Israel dinormalisasi".
113. (2022-03-23). "Taliban's backtracking on girls' education, 'deeply damaging'".
114. (2022-03-23). "Afghanistan: Taliban backtrack on reopening high schools for girls". [[BBC News]].
115. {{Harvnb. Müller. 2014
116. {{harvnb. Chin Tong. 2007
117. {{harvnb. Liow. 2009
118. Akil Yunus. (8 September 2014). "PAS syura council must abide by muktamar resolutions, says Wan Saiful". The Star.
119. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2012
120. {{Harvnb. Farish. 2014
121. {{Harvnb. Daniels. 2005
122. {{Harvnb. Riddell. 2005
123. PAS successfully proposed PKR MLA Azmin Ali as Menteri Besar during [[Kajang Move. 2014 Kajang Move]], after which his party joined Pakatan Harapan in 2015 while PAS never did.