1999 Catalan regional election

Background

The 1995 election had resulted in a diminished victory for the ruling Convergence and Union (CiU) of Jordi Pujol, which for the first time since 1980 failed to secure an absolute majority in the regional parliament. Pujol was able to get re-elected as Catalan president for a fifth term in office, but his minority position forced him to secure confidence and supply from the People's Party (PP) in exchange of CiU's support to the newly-formed national government of Prime Minister José María Aznar as a result of the 1996 Spanish general election, in what came to be known as the Majestic Pact.

The CiU–PP alliance and Pujol's decision to support Aznar's government proved uneasy due to previous animosity between the two parties, with the issue of their relationship and mutual concessions dominating this period. The Majestic Pact provided for a large transfer of powers, including on fiscal management (such as taxes on personal income, wealth, property transfers, documented legal acts, inheritance, gifts and gambling), but differences over the degree of devolution to be awarded and the fiscal policy of Aznar's government resulted in frequent clashes, which extended to the degree of fulfillment of their signed commitments. Mutual interest—with the stability of the Spanish government also dependant on continued support from CiU in the Cortes Generales—helped ensure that the legislative term reached its end.

Divergences on economic policy saw Pujol demanding more investments from the General State Budget for Catalonia, as well as pushing for greater devolution and a "fiscal pact" for Catalonia similar to the Basque Economic Agreement. A plan by the national government to reform the teaching of humanities in the secondary education was heavily contested by the Catalan government, which considered it as an interference within regional powers. The proposed plan was ultimately defeated in the Congress of Deputies in December 1997, forcing Aznar's government to seek a consensus with peripheral nationalist parties and the autonomous communities. This period also saw Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC) opting for a strategy of greater prominence and differentiation from its larger partner, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC), with their relationship becoming strained at times, occasionally jeopardizing the maintenance of the CiU alliance.

In the opposition, the announcement in November 1996 by the mayor of Barcelona, Pasqual Maragall, that he would be stepping down from his post within ten months, fueled speculation about a possible run as presidential candidate for the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) in the next regional election, with his personal popularity rivaling that of Pujol. After several months dedicated to university lecturing in Rome and New York City, and with his party's acclaim, Maragall confirmed on 26 June 1998 that he would contest the regional presidency. Concurrently, both Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia (IC) suffered from internal splits: the former from its leader, Àngel Colom's, who defected in late 1996 to establish the Party for Independence (PI); the latter, over divergences with the confrontational attitude of its national sister party, United Left (IU), towards the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE). The PI disbanded itself following disappointing results in the 1999 local elections, whereas supporters of IU leader Julio Anguita established the new United and Alternative Left (EUiA).

Negotiations for a regional language policy law became one of the main issues throughout the legislative term, with a proposal to make the use of Catalan language mandatory in commercial relations and the possibility of enforcing sanctions causing political divisions, first between CDC and UDC (with the latter pushing for a less restrictive approach), then with other parties in the regional parliament such as ERC—which argued for the mandatory use of Catalan in daily interactions—and IC, and finally between Pujol's and Aznar's governments (with the PP advocating for the abolition of Catalonia's language immersion policy and the establishment of a dual school system based on the students' mother tongue). The law was finally approved through an agreement between CiU and the PSC that lifted the proposed sanctioning scheme, but the political controversy dragged on into the ensuing years, particularly regarding the law's regulatory development, and the dubbing of films into Catalan.

Overview

Under the 1979 Statute of Autonomy, the Parliament of Catalonia was the unicameral legislature of the homonymous autonomous community, having legislative power in devolved matters, as well as the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a regional president. As a result of no regional electoral law having been approved since the re-establishment of Catalan autonomy, the electoral procedure came regulated under transitory provisions, supplemented by the provisions within the national electoral law.

Electoral system

Voting for the Parliament was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age, registered in Catalonia and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they were not sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote, nor being legally incapacitated.

The Parliament of Catalonia was entitled to 135 seats. All members were elected in four multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Tarragona, with each being allocated a fixed number of seats—using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional voting system, with a threshold of three percent of valid votes (which included blank ballots) being applied in each constituency. The use of the electoral method resulted in a higher effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies.

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Parliament constituency was entitled the following seats:

The law did not provide for by-elections to fill vacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occurred after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term were to be covered by the successive candidates in the list and, when required, by the designated substitutes.

Election date

The term of the Parliament of Catalonia expired four years after the date of its previous election, unless it was dissolved earlier. The election decree was required to be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the scheduled date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official Journal of the Government of Catalonia (DOGC), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. The previous election was held on 19 November 1995, which meant that the legislature's term would have expired on 19 November 1999. The election decree was required to be published in the DOGC no later than 26 October 1999, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible date for election day on Sunday, 19 December 1999.

The regional president had the prerogative to dissolve the Parliament of Catalonia and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since a previous one under this procedure. In the event of an investiture process failing to elect a regional president within a two-month period from the first ballot, the Parliament was to be automatically dissolved and a fresh election called.

As of April 1997, Pujol warned that he could call a snap election if the Catalan and Spanish political situation—both dependant on CiU's alliance with the PP—"forced him to do so". The ensuing years saw speculation emerge on Pujol's alleged intention to trigger an early election for the spring of 1999, with possible reasons being to prevent it from being sandwiched between the June 1999 local elections and the next general election, as well as to try to thwart the consolidation of Pasqual Maragall's candidacy. Some CiU sectors, dissatisfied with their agreements with the PP, pushed for an immediate early election throughout 1998. Ultimately, Pujol chose to maintain the election for the autumn of 1999 to allow for more time both to rebuild relations between CDC and UDC and for a weakening of Maragall's electoral impact. This was helped by a reassuring from José María Aznar (then prime minister of Spain) that the 2000 general election would not be advanced to be held concurrently with the Catalan election. Further speculation on the specific date (with 17 and 24 October 1999 being commented) ended when Pujol confirmed in August 1999 that he would call the election for 17 October.

The Parliament of Catalonia was officially dissolved on 24 August 1999 with the publication of the dissolution decree in the DOGC, setting election day for 17 October.

Outgoing parliament

The table below shows the composition of the parliamentary groups in the chamber at the time of dissolution.

Parties and candidates

The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, alliances and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates.

Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which contested the election:

Campaign

Party slogans

Election debates

Opinion polls

The tables below list opinion polling results in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead. The highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour. If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a poll.

Graphical summary

Voting intention estimates

The table below lists weighted voting intention estimates. Refusals are generally excluded from the party vote percentages, while question wording and the treatment of "don't know" responses and those not intending to vote may vary between polling organisations. When available, seat projections determined by the polling organisations are displayed below (or in place of) the percentages in a smaller font; 68 seats were required for an absolute majority in the Parliament of Catalonia.

;Color key:

Voting preferences

The table below lists raw, unweighted voting preferences.

Victory preferences

The table below lists opinion polling on the victory preferences for each party in the event of a regional election taking place.

Victory likelihood

The table below lists opinion polling on the perceived likelihood of victory for each party in the event of a regional election taking place.

Preferred President

The table below lists opinion polling on leader preferences to become president of the Government of Catalonia.

;All candidates

;Pujol vs. Maragall

;Pujol vs. Nadal

Predicted President

The table below lists opinion polling on the perceived likelihood for each leader to become president.

;Pujol vs. Maragall

;Pujol vs. Nadal

Voter turnout

The table below shows registered voter turnout on election day, without including non-resident citizens.

Results

Overall

Distribution by constituency

Aftermath

Government formation

2001 motion of no confidence

Notes

References

;Opinion poll sources

;Other

Bibliography

References

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65. (25 February 1997). "Pujol exige a Unió que retire sus críticas a la ley de uso de las lenguas en Cataluña". El País.
66. Company, Enric. (10 July 1997). "Pujol defiende la rebaja de la ley del catalán en aras del consenso social". El País.
67. (17 November 1997). "Pujol intenta hoy que IC se sume al acuerdo sobre la 'ley del catalán'". El País.
68. (9 May 1997). "Duran amenaza al PP con la ruptura a causa de la ley del catalán". El País.
69. (11 November 1997). "Pujol negociará con la dirección del PP en Madrid el voto de los conservadores a la ley del catalán". El País.
70. Mauri, Luis. (31 December 1997). "La aprobación de la ley del catalán provoca un nuevo enfrentamiento entre Pujol y el Gobierno". El País.
71. Company, Enric. (9 November 1997). "CiU y PSC pactan que la ley del catalán no sancione a los ciudadanos". El País.
72. (28 April 1998). "El Partido Popular pregunta a Pujol sobre la ley del catalán". El País.
73. González, Enric. (13 May 1998). "Pujol garantiza al Defensor del Pueblo que le consultará la aplicación de la ley del catalán". El País.
74. Company, Enric. (7 May 1998). "Pujol garantiza a la oposición un desarrollo negociado de la ley del catalán". El País.
75. (20 June 1998). "El PSC amenaza con desmarcarse del consenso sobre el catalán si el Gobierno de Pujol no rectifica". El País.
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