Syntactic construction that serves to express a comparison
In general linguistics, a comparative sentence serves to express a comparison between two (or more) entities or groups of entities in terms of a certain quality or action. A comparative sentence contains an adjective or an adverb in the comparative degree.
The syntax of comparative constructions is poorly understood due to the complexity of the data. In particular, the comparative frequently occurs with independent mechanisms of syntax such as coordination and forms of ellipsis (gapping, pseudogapping, null complement anaphora, stripping, verb phrase ellipsis). The interaction of the various mechanisms complicates the analysis.
Comparative coordination vs. comparative subordination
At times the syntax of comparatives matches the syntax of coordination, and at other times, it must be characterized in terms of subordination.
Comparative coordination
The syntax of comparatives can closely mirror the syntax of coordination. The similarity in structure across the following a- and b-sentences illustrates this point. The conjuncts of the coordinate structures are enclosed in square brackets:
::b. **More** [boys] **than** [girls] sent flowers to him today.
::a. [The boys sent] and [the girls dropped off] flowers for him today.
::b. [**More** boys sent] **than** [girls dropped off] flowers for him today.
::a. The boys sent [flowers to him] and [chocolates to her] today.
::b. **More** boys sent [flowers to him] **than** [chocolates to her] today.
::a. The boys sent [flowers to him today] and [chocolates to her yesterday].
::b. **More** boys sent [flowers to him today] **than** [chocolates to her yesterday].
The structure of the b-sentences involving comparatives is closely similar to the structure of the a-sentences involving coordination. Based on this similarity, many have argued that the syntax of comparatives overlaps with the syntax of coordination at least some of the time. In this regard, the *than* in the b-sentences should be viewed as a coordinator (coordinate conjunction), not as a subordinator (subordinate conjunction).
### Comparative subordination
Examples of the comparative that do not allow an analysis in terms of coordination (because the necessary parallel structures are not present) are instances of comparative subordination. In such cases, *than* has the status of a preposition or a subordinator (subordinate conjunction), e.g.
::a. We invited **more** people **than** wanted to come.
::b. A **better** striker was playing for them **than** we have.
::c. **More** passengers **than** the airline had issued tickets tried to board the plane.
::d. **More** guests **than** we had chairs showed up.
::e. Who did he eat **more** hotdogs **than**?
Since the parallel structures associated with coordinate structures, i.e., the conjuncts, cannot be acknowledged in these sentences, the only analysis available is one in terms of subordination, whereby *than* has the status of a subordinator (as in sentences a-d) or of a preposition (as in sentence e). What this means is that the syntax of comparatives is complex because at times an analysis in terms of coordination is warranted, whereas at other times, the analysis must assume subordination.
## Comparative deletion and subdeletion
There are two types of ellipsis that are unique to the *than*-clauses of comparatives: *comparative deletion* and *comparative subdeletion*. The existence of comparative deletion as an ellipsis mechanism is widely acknowledged, whereas the status of comparative subdeletion as an ellipsis mechanism is more controversial.
### Comparative deletion
Comparative deletion is an obligatory ellipsis mechanism that occurs in the *than*-clause of a comparative construction. The elided material of comparative deletion is indicated using a blank, and the unacceptable b-sentences show what is construed as having been elided in the a-sentences:
::a. Fred reads **more** books **than** Susan reads ___.
::b. *Fred reads **more** books **than** Susan reads books. - Sentence is bad because comparative deletion has not occurred.
::a. We invited **more** people **than** ___ came.
::b. *We invited **more** people **than** people came. - Sentence is bad because comparative deletion has not occurred.
::a. She was happi**er than** I was ___.
::b. *She was happi**er than** I was happy. - Sentence is bad because comparative deletion has not occurred.
### Comparative subdeletion
Comparative subdeletion is a second type of ellipsis in comparatives that some accounts acknowledge. It occurs when the focused constituent in the *than*-clause is not deleted because it is distinct from its counterpart in the main clause. In other words, comparative subdeletion occurs when comparative deletion does not because the constituents being compared are distinct, e.g.
::a. He has **more** cats **than** he has __ dogs.
::b. Few**er** women showed up **than** __ men wanted to dance.
::c. You were happi**er than** I was __ sad.
::b. The table is **as** wide **as** it is __ tall.
Accounts that acknowledge comparative subdeletion posit a null measure expression in the position marked by the blank (x-many, x-much). This element serves to focus the expression in the same way that *-er* or *more* focuses its counterpart in the main clause. Various arguments are put forth that motivate the existence of this null element. These arguments will not be reproduced here, though. Suffice it to say that the sentences in which subdeletion is supposedly occurring are qualitatively different from sentences in which comparative deletion occurs, e.g., *He has more cats than you have ___ .*
## Independent ellipsis mechanisms in ''than''-clauses
There are a number of independent ellipsis mechanisms that occur in the *than-*clauses of comparative constructions: gapping, pseudogapping, null complement anaphora, stripping, and verb phrase ellipsis. These mechanisms are independent of comparative clauses because they also occur when the comparative is not involved. The presence of these ellipsis mechanisms in *than*-clauses complicates the analysis considerably, since they render it difficult to discern which aspects of the syntax of comparatives are unique to comparatives.
::a. You should visit me on Tuesday, and I ___ you on Wednesday. - Gapping without the comparative
::b. You visited me on Tuesdays **more than** I ___ you on Wednesdays. - Gapping with the comparative
::a. He will say it twice before she has ___ once. - Pseudogapping without the comparative
::b. **More** people will say it twice **than** ___ will ___ just once. - Pseudogapping with the comparative; comparative deletion also present
::a. He did it as I expected ___ . - Null complement anaphora without the comparative
::b. He did it **more than** I expected ___ . - Null complement anaphora with the comparative
::a. Men did it, and women ___ too. - Stripping without the comparative
::b. **More** men did it **than** women ___ . - Stripping analysis possible here
::a. Susan has helped when you have ___ . - Verb phrase ellipsis without the comparative
::b. Susan has helped **more than** you have ___ . - Verb phrase ellipsis with the comparative
The fact that the five independent ellipsis mechanisms (and possibly others) can occur in the *than*-clauses of comparatives has rendered the study of the syntax of comparatives particularly difficult. One is often not sure which ellipsis mechanisms are involved in a given *than*-clause. One thing is clear, however: the five ellipsis mechanisms illustrated here are distinct from the two ellipsis mechanisms that are unique to comparatives mentioned above (comparative deletion and comparative subdeletion).
## Notes
## References
- Bobaljik, J. D. 2012. Universals in Comparative Morphology. MIT Press.
- Bresnan, J. 1973. Syntax of the comparative clause construction in English. Linguistic Inquiry 35, 275-343.
- Bresnan, J. 1976. On the form and functioning of transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 7, 3-40.
- Corver, N. 2006. Comparative deletion and subdeletion. Volume 1, The Blackwell companion to syntax, eds. M. Everaert and H. van Riemsdijk, 582-637. Malden: Blackwell.
- Grimshaw, J. 1987. Subdeletion. Linguistic Inquiry, 659-669.
- Huddleston, R. and G. Pullum. 2002. The Cambridge grammar of the English Language.
- Lechner, W. 2004. Ellipsis in comparatives. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
- Napoli D.J. 1983. Comparative ellisis: A phrase structure analysis. Linguistic Inquiry 14, 675-694.
- Osborne, T. 2009. Comparative coordination vs. comparative subordination. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 27, 427-454.
- Pinkham, J. 1982. The formation of comparative clauses in French and English. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University.
- Ryan, K. 1983. *Than* as a coordination. Papers from the nineteenth regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society. 353-361.
- Stassen, Leon. 1985. Comparison and universal grammar. Oxford: Blackwell.
- Ultan, Russell. 1972. Some features of basic comparative constructions. Working Papers in Language Universals 9, 117-132.
## References
1. The examples are taken from Osborne (2009:428).
2. For examples of accounts that argue that the syntax of comparatives overlaps with the syntax of coordination at least some of the time, see Pinkham (1982), Napoli (1983), McCawley 1988, Lechner (2004), Corver (2006), and Osborne (2009).
3. The distinction between comparative coordination and comparative subordination is discussed at length by Osborne (2009).
4. The example is taken from Pinkham (1982:50).
5. The classic work that explores comparative deletion is Bresnan (1973). See Corver (2006) also.
6. Osborne (2009:447), for instance, rejects the ellipsis analysis of structure assumed to involve comparative subdeletion.
7. For analyses of comparative subdeletion, see for instance Bresnan (1973), Grimshaw (1987), and Corver (2006).
8. See Bresnan (1973) and Corver (2006) for the arguments in favor of an ellipsis analysis of subdeletion.
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